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Dissent
without resistance is consent.
---Henry
David Thoreau
Dissent is what rescues the democracy from a slow death behind closed
doors.
---
Lewis Lapham
|
TALKING POINTS
Hit Them
Where It Hurts---By Michael Paine (pseudonym), May 28, 2003
A while
ago a friend asked why I never went to public demonstrations. The
reason, I
told him, is that they don't do any good. Don't get angry - I
understand
how committed you are to change. But really, they don't do any
good. The
people with the power don't care what you think - whether you
march in
the streets or sit at home and fume.
The same
goes for the emails, petitions and articles currently bouncing around
the web on every subject from the deregulation at the FCC, to the war
on Iraq, to the Patriot Act. No one who makes policy cares or reads
these things.
Did you
see Chris Matthews on Jon Stewart's show? Where he referred to the "man
on the street" interviews as "peasants under glass"? That's what you're
dealing with.
I'm
telling you this as a prelude to giving you the benefit of my wisdom
(lucky you): liberals, progressives, Democrats, Greens - whatever – will
not accomplish anything by debating the issues, or appealing to
democracy, or writing well-research articles - or anything. Because the
opposition - Republicans, and
their shills in the press - are not a political entity; they
are a business.
They're a
business that's in the business of selling the services of the
government to the highest bidder. Deregulation. Tax breaks. Access.
Contracts. Licenses. This is what the government controls - and under
Democrats, it's what the government can use to "promote the general
welfare".
But
Republicans aren't interested in "general welfare." They're interested
in money. In business. In "private welfare'. That's not just a
different political party, it's a different world-view. And what they do
with the power of government is sell it. To them, the Fed is just a
giant business-to-business service provider. Companies pay, they get.
They don't
care about right or wrong. They don't care about democracy. They don't
care about facts, or statistics, or the budget deficit. And now, they no
longer care about public opinion either, because they simply bought the
means to shape it. Democracy doesn't matter - money and power matters.
Do you
really think you'll change the way they manipulate the news – and public
opinion - by pointing out their lies? Good luck. FOX News doesn't care
if you catch them in lies. No more than the Bush Administration cares
that it gets caught in lies. They're not playing "democracy" or
"journalism" - they're in business to make money and accumulate power.
And the sad fact is that most Americans are too busy to question
whether they get the truth when they watch "the news" - so the lies
work.
March in
the street with signs all you want - the lies and the money keep
flowing.
Bush raised $22 million in one night this week. If you've found
yourself stunned and amazed at how bad things have got, and you just
can't fathom how it could have got this way - that's because you've
been looking at it all wrong. This is just business, and you aren't a
"citizen" - you're a consumer. And that's the only one way to beat
them. Hit them where they hurt – in the pocketbook. All you are to them
is a consumer, so you have to fight back as a consumer. Think of them
as "money demons" that can only be harmed by money.
You want
to hurt Fox? Boycott its advertisers. MSBNC? Boycott its advertisers.
CNN?
Boycott its advertisers. Period. Then you'll see them squirm. Just like
O'Reilly squirmed when there was talk of a boycott last year – he
literally panicked, and called would-be boycotters everything short of
"communists." He was scared, folks. Need more proof that this is
the only way? What finally got South Carolina to take the Confederate
Flag off its state flag? It was a boycott by African-American
consumers. That put more fear into the good 'ol boys than the Civil War
did. And it worked - quickly.
Here's a
plan: organize, and start small. Start with an easy target on a
vulnerable network: Michael Savage on MSNBC. Send a polite letter to
send to all MSNBC's advertisers (not just Savage's). No long-winded
political speeches, just a simple "I find his views offensive and I will
not buy your products while you advertise on that network". Tell
everyone you know to do the same. Then sit back and watch the fireworks.
And what you'll get in response will blow your mind. They'll freak.
They'll call you un-American, say you're squashing free speech, claim
you're putting Americans out of work - because dying money demons make
a lot of noise when they go. But don't get sucked in.
You
couldn't - not if you boycotted from today ‘til the day you die – put
more Americans out of work than one of these advertisers does every
time it has a layoff and sends the work to Asian sweatshops. And you'd
never in a thousand years cost as many jobs as Bush already has. So
don't buy it.
This is
the only way. Remember that the $22 million Bush raised this week
probably
originally came from YOU. You gave it to a company for some
stupid
thing like a soft drink, and they gave it to their CEO, who gave it to
Bush.
It's time
to flex some consumer muscle. And you'd better get started; the
election
is sooner than you think.
* * * * * *
AN URGENT CALL FOR
REFLECTION, HOPE AND ACTION---Interfaith Summit - Chicago, Illinois,
April 30, 2003
The National Interfaith
Summit was sponsored by FOR with the participation of Pat Clark,
National Coordinator and Rev. Patty Ackerman, Iraq Response Team
As people of faith and leaders of diverse religious
communities, we recognize that we are at a moment of choice even more
urgent than before the war in Iraq began. We are faced with choices
between hope and courage or fear and violence; between a future
characterized by global solidarity, international cooperation and
multilateral action or one characterized by unilateralism and wars by
choice rather than necessity; continuing terrorism; unfettered efforts
to extend U.S. power, and the exploitation of fear.
Let us not forget who we are as people of faith. We
need to go deeper into our religious traditions. Fear is part of the
human condition and is only addressed through faith. We are challenged
now to trust in God and recognize the source of true security. Our
traditions teach us to envision a world of peace with justice. They
promise God’s capacity to transform a broken world and God’s
expectation that we are partners in the process.
As many Americans celebrate a moment of military
victory, we, as people of faith, ask all people to make this a time of
deliberate reflection.
As we have since 9/11 and the beginning of the war
on terrorism: we call for greater understanding; we seek to dispel
ignorance; we ask that this be a time of humility not arrogance; and, we
hope that all can be mindful of what we have lost. We are mindful that
while a repressive regime has been destroyed, a country has been left in
a power vacuum. We know as well that those people experience their daily
life as one of enormous needs and insecurity.
War is a
blunt instrument, which provides no lasting solution but too often leads
to further violence. We ask the American people to reflect now on the
price of unilateralism:
<full
text>
Rosemary Ruether, "Organizing
Themes for a New Stage of the Peace Movement in the Context of the US
Military Occupation of Iraq."
Ben Cohen of True
Majority, "Beyond War---What's Next?"
In the months leading up to the Iraq war, hundreds of thousands of
people like you registered with TrueMajority to send free faxes to
Congress calling for international sanity and steadfast support of the
United Nations.
We didn't stop the war, but we DID become part of a network of
millions of people that are building a new superpower -- the power of
organized, ACTIVATED public opinion for a more just, compassionate and
sustainable world.
I believe that people like us share values extending far beyond
simply opposing the invasion of Iraq. We are people who believe that
peace will come only from justice, both at home and abroad. This war was
an outgrowth of spiritually vacant, "us versus them" thinking
-- a world view that does not grasp how American well-being is
inextricably tied to the well-being of all who share our planet; that
maintaining the "American way of live" at the expense of other
people's way of life is dangerous folly.
We must now turn our attention to this "us versus them"
thinking in all its insidious forms. We must address ongoing outrages
and the erosion of real American -- that is, HUMAN -- values. Now is not
the time to despair but to move forward.
This is why TrueMajority continues to track important issues in
Washington -- not just the Iraq war, but all issues linked to justice,
compassion and sustainability.
Here are the 10 TrueMajority principles:
- Attack poverty and world
hunger as if our life depends on it. It does.
- Champion the rights of every
child, woman and man.
- End our obstructionism to
world treaties.
- Reduce our dependence on oil
and lead the world to an age of renewable energy.
- Close the book on the Cold War
and end the nuclear nightmare.
- Renounce "Star Wars"
and the militarization of space.
- Make globalization function
for, not against, working people.
- Ensure equal treatment under
the law for all.
- Get big money out of politics.
- Close the gap between rich and
poor kids.
If you're like most of our members, you're probably thinking,
"Well, I agree with most of that, but I just don't have time to
stay informed on all those issues." That's where TrueMajority comes
in.
When your voice counts, we will send you a short email alert with our
position. If you agree with it, just click "Reply" and we will
automatically send a free fax from you to your member of Congress, the
President or another leader.
So when the next email alert from TrueMajority rolls into your inbox,
know that HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS OF PEOPLE LIKE YOU across America are
reading the short message and clicking "Reply" so we can send
a free fax to their representatives in Washington.
You are not alone, and that's why your easy, "one-click"
activism with us will make a difference in the long run. We will make
your voice be heard. We've shown the power of integrated organizing with
a tremendous outpouring of opposition to the war. What used to take
years to organize now takes days, or even minutes. That's why we are
going to win. Now that we've come together, we're going to STAY
together.
Mother's Day Proclamation
Arise all women who have hearts, whether your baptism be that of
water or of tears! Say firmly: "We will not have great questions
decided by irrelevant agencies, our husbands shall not come to us,
reeking with carnage, for caresses and applause. Our sons shall not be
taken from us to unlearn all that we have been able to teach them of
charity, mercy and patience. We women of one country will be too tender
of those of another country to allow our sons to be trained to injure
theirs."
From the bosom of the devastated earth a voice goes up with our own.
It says "Disarm, disarm! The Sword of murder is not the balance of
justice." Blood does not wipe out dishonor nor violence indicate
possession.
As men have often forsaken the plow and the anvil at the summons of
war, let women now leave all that may be left of home for a great and
earnest day of counsel. Let them meet first, as women, to bewail and
commemorate the dead. Let them then solemnly take counsel with each
other as to the means whereby the great human family can live in peace,
each learning after his own time, the sacred impress, not of Caesar, but
of God.
In the name of womanhood and of humanity, I earnestly ask that a
general congress of women without limit of nationality may be appointed
and held at some place deemed most convenient and at the earliest period
consistent with its objects, to promote the alliance of the different
nationalities, the amicable settlement of international questions, the
great and general interests of peace.
- Julia Ward Howe, 1870
In Praise of Matriotism: A Mother's Day
Manifesto
By Lucinda Marshall, @2003
Forgive my cynicism about Mother's Day. After all, what kind of
ungrateful
mother wouldn't want to be honored with pesticide-laced flowers,
chocolate
that depends on children in slavery for its production and cards that
deplete our forests and litter Mother Earth? Truly, it
is the ultimate
insult to honor life-giving with such toxic offerings.
Mothering in a world where damaging behavior is the revered norm is an
oxymoron. Here in the US, we are guilty not only of damaging our
own
children's lives, but the lives of children everywhere. We have
signed off
on a value system that funds smart bombs but not schools. We cut
school
lunches in order to scrape up money for cluster bombs* that look like
food
packets. We have money to destroy homes, but not to shelter the
homeless.
We pollute our land, air and water with all manner of poisons and
despair
when asthma and cancer rates rise, and sperm counts go down. And
all the
while, health care becomes more and more inaccessible; health
itself,
impossible. **
In the United States alone, millions of children are abused each year.
On a
global basis, the number is uncountable. Children are neglected,
as well as
sexually and physically abused. They are subjected to sexual slavery,
genital mutilation and starvation. They are rounded up in Palestine,
detained in Guantanamo*** and exposed to depleted uranium in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
In "The Price of Motherhood", Ann Crittenden makes the point
that raising
children is an investment in the future. It is our responsibility
to wisely
nurture our children. In this, we are failing miserably.
In the U.S. on May 11, as we celebrate Mother's Day, let us refuse the
false
offerings. There is an urgent need to protest U.S.
duplicity/complicity in
this sorry web of atrocities that endangers the lives of our children.
As
mothers, we have the awesome right and responsibility to firmly
say no to
the life-destroying ethos that has hijacked our future and to demand
that
nurturing become a national and global priority. Indeed, it is our
matriotic duty.
*It is worth noting that cluster bombs consist of a 'mother bomb' that
carries more than 200 bright yellow bomblets the size of soda cans (a
good
size and color to catch the interest of a curious and/or thirsty child).
**All the billions spent on military machinery cannot eradicate the fact
that there are some 9.2 million children without health insurance and
more
than 11 million children living in poverty in the U.S. alone. Is
this the
freedom we are fighting for?
***This is in direct violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the
Child which the U.S. has signed and to which it is therefore bound.
A Letter about Loss: In Memory of Sgt. Troy Jenkins
I just learned that a friend of mine, Sgt. Troy Jenkins, who was
stationed
at Ft. Campbell, has died. Troy was ONLY 25 years old. He died in a
German
hospital very late Wednesday night, after being critically injured near
the
Iraqi capital on Saturday (4-19-03). While on patrol, troops in Troy's
unit
noticed an Iraqi child, who appeared to be about 7 years of age, playing
with the unexploded ordnance. Troy recognized the ordnance and went to
get
the bomb away from the child so she would not be injured. As Troy was
getting the bomb it detonated and he threw himself on top of it to
shield
the child and three other members of his squad. The blast severed his
left
leg and the fingers on his right hand. On Wed. (4-23-03) morning Troy
had to
have his right leg amputated and was air lifted to Germany where he died
late Wed night/early Thursday morning. Troy saved the lives of the child
and
his soldiers nearby and should forever be remembered for his act of
bravery.
But, there is a far greater message I am sending to you. This was
another
death that did not have to happen. While some argue that casualties of
war
are inevitable, I fail to see war as an inevitability. What is the point
in
this war? What is the point of war period? I do not feel safer because a
person that I knew died. I do not feel safer because the President of
the
United States has 200,000 American troops in Iraq fighting for his blood
greed, oil hunger, and desire for global domination and controller. I do
not
feel safer because the government says we are now at code yellow, or
whatever the hell that damm color is this week. What I feel is PISSED. I
am
pissed that another person had to die. And for what???? I am pissed that
someone so young with so much life and promise had to die. I am now
stronger
in my convictions that war is wrong and now more than ever see that we
must
not see this as a war that is over. We are very much still at war, the
government has just tried to divert our attention away from the truth
and
ordered the news media to stop reporting that we are at war. I believe
we
are now cleaning up and rebuilding Iraq...well that is what we are
suppose
to believe. HA.
As those who continue to struggle for peace and equality and to make
this a
better world through peaceful resolve, we need to remember why we are
against this and all wars. Troy is but one of many reasons. What kind of
world are we living in when we have bombs where 7 year old little girls
can
find them? What kind of world lets 25 year olds die in a senseless war?
I
hope Bush is reaping the benefits of this war that he so desperately
wanted.
And I hope he knows just how many lives he has screwed up by his thirst
for
power and control.
I am 31 years old and am too young to remember Vietnam so Troy is the
first
person I have ever really known who has been killed in war. I do however
remember being a very young child when a friend of my mother's came to
visit
after he was released from a rehab hospital after being in Vietnam. It
was the
mid-1970's: what I remember was a man in a wheel chair who did not
have
any legs. I remember people talking about how he was in Vietnam and
stepped
on a land mine. I guess I was about 4. Because he was the first person I
had
ever been around who was physically challenged it really made an
impression
on me. I guess in some way I was trying to understand why he was in
Vietnam
and why he had to lose his legs. The naivete involved in being a child,
the not
understanding, left an impression on me. I guess I never did outgrow
those questions: I still don't understand and probably never will.
I DON'T UNDERSTAND. I simply don't understand!
Please keep fighting for PEACE so there are no more needless deaths.
Fight
to bring our troops back while they are alive.
Peace to all, Renea Ryan
* * * * *
Which War Are You Watching? -- The View from
Spain
The American media's portrayal of the routing of Saddam Hussein as a
great military victory and a step toward world peace is almost
incomprehensible outside of the U.S., for the rest of us have been
watching a very different war. Here in Granada, I regularly
watch the Spanish, French, and British television news and then
occasionally look at the CNN and New York Times webpages. It is
often hard to believe they are covering the same events and the gap
between American and global perceptions of this war
will certainly have significant repercussions for some time to come.
In the eyes of non-American media it took the world's most
powerful and wealthiest nation months of planning, the deployment of
hundreds of thousands of troops, and the launching of thousands of
missiles at a cost of tens of billions of dollars to topple one
dictator in a country already crippled by two earlier wars and ten years
of international sanctions, defended by a third- rate army almost
entirely bereft of advanced armaments who put up no coordinated
resistance. Not an impressive feat. But--to the astonishment
of the world--America sees itself as heroic and triumphant (Vice
President Cheney has
termed it "one of the greatest military campaigns in
history"). Everyone is happy that Saddam is gone, but to portray
this as an impressive feat of arms seems to many people here a
mind-boggling act of self-deception.
The campaign itself, as viewed outside the U.S., was constantly
marred by misjudgments and bad leadership: Brits and Americans killed
themselves and each other
in a rash of "friendly fire" incidents; America's "smart
weapons" proved not to be so smart and instead caused horrifying
destruction in marketplaces, buses, maternity wards, and civilian
neighborhoods; the Tomahawk missile system had to be taken offline not
because it was missing its targets but because it was missing the entire
country of Iraq(!) and instead landing in Saudi, Jordanian, and Syrian
territories; the quick advances and welcoming crowds predicted by the
Rumsfield cabal did not materialize and a panicked
American military had to call for reinforcements of 120,000 new troops
after only a few days of fighting. The American military was
portrayed here as unprepared and badly managed, without contingency
plans for even the most predictable of situations such
as sandstorms, suicide bombers, and lengthening supply lines. The
flaws in this performance were only made more obvious when European news
broadcasts over and
over again placed headline stories of various mishaps and civilian
deaths next to the typically immodest statements of Rumsfield that
American missiles were "the most precise ever seen in human
history" or that "everything is going exactly as
planned," or Tommy Franks announcing the infamous "shock and
awe" campaign. More than one European commentator took
advantage of America's hubris to state that the only
"shock" in this war was how badly it was waged and how inured
to human suffering the American people seem to have become.
In one particularly poignant moment on Spanish television, after a
series of unrelenting images of civilian wounded and dead (far more
graphic than would ever be allowed in the U.S.), we were shown a
Pentagon spokesperson referring to understandable levels of
"collateral damage." The Spanish commentator simply
looked directly into the camera, shook his head sadly and mused:
"One wonders what type of human being can
refer to the death of a child as collateral damage.'"
The disinformation campaign waged by the U.S. government also went badly
awry and European commentators openly began to compare Iraqi and
American sources as being equally tendentious and
unreliable: Tariq Aziz has defected (oops, no he hasn't); Saddam Hussein
is dead (oops, no he isn't), an Iraqi division has surrendered (oops,
only seven soldiers have surrendered), we've captured an Iraqi general
(oops, he's not a general or even a ranking
officer) . . . When Saddam's media showed footage of Arab volunteers
flocking to Iraq to become suicide bombers, European TV channels showed
that footage back to back with the U.S. military's latest recruitment
ads on American television along with commentary about the increased
militarization of both societies. News programs began to note how many
times the Coalition had to reannounce its gains "for the
sixth day in a
row, Coalition sources have announced that Nasiriyya has fallen,"
"once again the Coalition has announced that resistance in Basra is
under control," etc. The credibility of the American
government all but disappeared and that of the American media
crumbled.
When Iraq showed footage of its American hostages, European channels
showed the footage (not shown in the United States) back to back with
Bush's angry denunciations and his statement that this violated the
Geneva Convention< followed immediately by American footage from
earlier that same week of its Iraqi POWs and then images of the
prisoners at Guantanamo Bay. The audience scarcely needed the
commentator's remarks afterwards about double-standards and hypocrisy in
order to draw the intended conclusions. When Pulitzer-prize
winning reporter Peter Arnett was fired after his statements critical of
the war, the English newspaper the Daily Mirror sported a headline
something like: American Reporter Fired for Telling the Truth. News
programs in several European countries carried features that night, and
for several days following, about the state of the American media: How
could a reporter be fired for expressing criticism of
a government in an interview? Commentary by multiple political and
academic figures made it clear that America no longer has a "free
press" in the true meaning of the term, for in America one is not
free to express criticism of the war or of the Bush regime.
Toward the end of the military engagement, American troops fired
directly upon the hotel which housed many of the international
journalists still remaining in Baghdad. That night the rest of the
world watched in horror the film footage of an American tank rolling
into position in front of the hotel, the turret turning to aim directly
at the camera, the flash as the shell was fired, and the destruction and
dust as the shell hit just to one side of the camera. We then
watched as people, screaming for help, began to dig bodies out from the
rubble. One of those wounded was a Spanish cameraman followed him
as he was
carried out of the building in a blanket, placed in a vehicle and
transported to the hospital, and then we watched as he died. The
Spanish media was in an uproar.
In a series of badly calculated press releases, the Pentagon first
claimed that a sniper had fired from the hotel and that the Americans
were defending themselves. Journalists who had been in the hotel
for the previous 48 hours said that this was untrue: "Another of a
seemingly endless series of American lies meant to justify their stupid
and senseless war." The Pentagon then announced that there
had been an unidentified explosion, perhaps a missile. Finally, a day
and a half later, the Pentagon admitted that American troops had indeed
fired directly upon the hotel and killed the journalists. For every
European who had watched the unmistakable and shocking footage of the
American attack two nights earlier on the news, the prevarications
of U.S. authorities were infuriating and they were certainly not
alleviated by the eventual, partial admission of responsibility.
The day the statue of Saddam was torn down, the great divide
between America and the rest of the world was briefly suspended, and
millions watched to see if America would be wiser, more competent, and
more humane in peace than it had been in war. But within hours the
chaos began to spread and for the next few days one American
spokesperson after another got up in front of the cameras to say that
America had no
responsibility for maintaining law and order or for protecting the
civilian population (despite the Geneva Conventions). In a truly
shocking development, Coalition troops did not even move to secure
hospitals (see the Geneva Conventions). Finally, after intense
international pressure, first the Brits and then the Americans admitted
that, having launched thousands of missiles at Iraq, having crippled
much of the infrastructure of the country, and having toppled the
previous regime, the occupation forces did indeed bear
some responsibility for maintaining order. But even after that
admission, it became clear that there was no plan of action and the
sacking and burning of many of Iraq's -- and humanity's -- most precious
treasures took place, while American soldiers stood by aimlessly passing
the time. Newspapers and news programs throughout Europe are
openly comparing America's role in Iraq to the burning of the great
Library of
Alexandria, the Goths' sacking of Rome, and the Mongols' sacking of
Baghdad in the 13th century. In the end, it was only a matter of
hours from the images of the crowds cheering the arriving American
troops to those of the first public demonstrations against the American
occupation. CNN had an interesting spin on this, their headline
ran: Iraqis exercise newly won freedom of expression to protest against
Coalition Forces. In the end, I think, the difference between the two
views of the war (that of America & Israel
versus that of the rest of the world) boils done to a single question:
Were there alternatives?
Americans were told by their media that there were no alternatives and
that the only option was for Americans to get in there and get the job
done (= war) and let the rest of the world be damned. The rest of
world was told by their media that there were numerous other options
(diplomatic, economic, etc.) that would have involved less death and
destruction. So for most people in the world, every civilian death
in Iraq has been an unwarranted murder. For Americans (or at least
some), those deaths have been an acceptable means towards a rather
poorly defined goal: What exactly ARE American forces doing there?
Disarming weapons of mass destruction? Eradicating terrorism?
Stabilizing Iraq's oil resources? Toppling Saddam Hussein?
Establishing a democracy?
As several editorials here have recently pointed out, if America
is aiming to establish a democracy, it will be doing something that it
has not done for nearly 60 years. For six decades the United
States has supported and maintained dozens of dictatorships, a
host of military regimes, a collection of monarchies, and the Israeli
military occupation of the Palestinian West Bank and Gaza Strip alone
establishing them, is dismal indeed. Afghanistan, the nation
mostly recently the target of American interventionism, languishes
forgotten, scarcely funded by the Republican regime in Washington, and
certainly a long
way from possessing a stable, democratically elected government.
In short, there were two very different wars to watch: one almost
entirely military in nature (the American version) and another portrayed
in unrelentingly human terms (the global version). Spain is
nominally a member of the coalition, but 91% of the
population here opposes the war and the largest and most impressive
demonstrations against the war have been held here, massive marches of
millions upon millions of people in nearly every city and town
throughout the country. The coverage we watched in
Spain was unflinching in its portrayal of the violence and pain of war.
Here the demonstrations against the war continue and have now been
transformed into protests against the military occupation of Iraq.
And, in a development that may have far-reaching ramifications, more and
more of the placards in the marches say: BOYCOTT AMERICAN PRODUCTS.
This week everything is on hold since it is Semana Santa (Holy
Week), Spain's biggest holiday. The day before the holidays began,
however, was a general strike by university students and labor unions
across the country protesting the war. Other activities that
continue to take place are: protest marches, concerts for peace, marches
on the American military bases in southern Spain, resignations by
politicians in the ruling Partido Popular in protest of Aznar's
position, almost daily attempts to hold "No Confidence" votes
or votes condemning the war in the parliament (but the ruling party
holds an absolute majority so these never actually make it to the floor
for a vote, though they
are reported over and over again in the news), the opposition members of
parliament have "No a la Guerra" signs in front of them at
their desks and have called for the closure of American military bases
in Spain, one group has tried to file a suit against Aznar in
the European High Court, high school kids have been holding
"die-ins" at their schools and other public places, there are
thousands upon thousands of NO A LA GUERRA signs fluttering from windows
and spray painted on buildings, and many people wear pins or t-shirts
with that message every day.
As a result, Spain never actually fought in the war, it only
offered verbal support and air space for American fly-overs. A
Spanish hospital ship is functioning in the Gulf and treating Iraqi
wounded and now that the fighting has all but stopped, Spanish soldiers
have actually landed for the first time to take part in the policing
actions. So such is the view from here in Spain. I
will write more about other aspects of life in a separate
message, this one is already too long. Despite it all, though, on
a person-to-person level, Americans are treated well and no one need
fear traveling here. Spaniards are divided and more than a bit confused
when it comes to interpreting the public opinion polls
that show that the majority of Americans support the war: some simply
say that Americans are a violent people (as demonstrated by their love
of guns and their astonishing rates of murder, violent crime, and
imprisonment); others say that Americans are famous for their lack of
knowledge about the world and their low level of education and that
their support comes mainly from not having suffered themselves the
tragedy
of war on their own soil. A third school of thought was expressed
to me rather succinctly the other day by the owner of the music shop
where I take my guitar lessons: "I don't believe the polls. I
don't think Americans really do support the war, no people can be in
favor of war-- but they don't really see the war, do they? They
just believe what the American media tell them."
Let us hope there are better days ahead for all of us.
Un abrazo,
Dwight F. Reynolds, Director
Centro de Estudios de la Universidad de California
Colegio Mayor Isabel la Católica
Universidad de Granada
c/ Rector López Argüeta, 8
18001 Granada, Spain
See Dowd,
Friedman,
Herbert
& Krugman.
Directions for
the Peace Movement: "What
we do now? A Peace Agenda" --- with responses--1,2,3
---from The Nation and other commentary from Common
Dreams; Foreign
Policy in Focus: "Nine Theses on Moving the Peace Movement
Forward," International
Answer as well as the following from IPT, United for Peace and
Psychologists for Social Responsibility.
Where Now, America? by Ramzi Kysia
Ramzi Kysia is an Arab-American peace
activist and writer who has spent 7 months in Iraq over the last two
years. He is currently in Amman, Jordan with expelled members of the Iraq
Peace Team.
There are no words to describe this disaster. When I close my eyes, an
apocalypse rolls on in rough flashes: the as-Sheb marketplace bombing,
the Karadat Miryam neighborhood bombing, Nahrawaan Farm, an-Naser
marketplace, Palestine Street. Scores of human beings killed, scores
more injured, a wealth of human misery
deposited at al-Kindi and al-Yarmouk - Baghdad's two, major trauma
hospitals. Across all of Iraq, thousands murdered, at least
ten-thousands maimed.
The scenes flicker faster: Baghdad's skyline filled with collapsed
buildings bellowing plumes of dirty smoke. Massive looting in Umm Qasr,
in Nassirya, in
Basra. The Damascus-line bus bombings. The Hilla City cluster bombing.
Revenge killings. Suicide bombings. U.S. soldiers executing entire
families out of fear.
Al-Jazeera's offices bombed. Abu Dhabi TV's offices bombed. Reuters
bombed. The Red Cross announcing that Baghdad's hospitals are overrun
with more than 100
casualties arriving every hour. Over 1 million people in Basra without
water for a week, then for two weeks, then...
A dog and pony show in Paradise Park briefly interrupts the panorama:
flanked by American tanks and soldiers, surrounded by absolutely empty
streets, in a
city of five million, two or three hundred Iraqis dance and cheer as
Americans pull down a statue of Saddam: Baghdad is liberated! The tanks
quickly move
to guard the Ministry of Oil, as all other government buildings are
looted and destroyed. UN buildings are looted, Red Cross headquarters
looted, stores looted, schools looted, museums looted - al-Kindi
hospital stripped bare.
Liberation has a sting to it.
This is not an accident. It is not a mistake. War is a deliberate thing,
carefully crafted and intentionally executed. And there is a word
missing from our lexicon of liberation: Responsibility. America,
we bombed the civilian infrastructure in Iraq in 1991, and blockaded its
repair for twelve long years. We forcibly impoverished an entire nation.
Hundreds of thousands of human beings died as a result. We started
another war on March 20th for no other reason than to further U.S.
supremacy over the world. Thousands were killed. We are now occupying a
devastated nation, and moving to collect the spoils that to
"victors" always go. Iraq will spend a hundred years paying
off odious debt incurred by Saddam Hussein and much multiplied by our
sanctions. How many more will die? How much further impoverishment will
we impose? As we privatize Iraq's former, spirit-crushing bureaucracy,
will free public education through
University be erased as well? Will the free, universal health care
Iraqis formerly enjoyed be denied?
I am frustrated, I am angry, and I don't know what to do.
I was in Iraq for the first two weeks of the war before being expelled,
along with 8 other members of the Iraq Peace Team. I broke a curfew, and
spent too much time with journalists at the Palestine hotel. Paranoia
raged. The Iraqi secret police were
suspicious of everyone and everything, and the block-long walk from our
hotel to the Palestine became an impassible excursion.
I think of my time in Palestine/Israel last year, and how huge a country
Palestine seemed to be, with countless miles between every town. But the
eight-hour journey between Ramallah and Jenin is but 50 miles on our
poor maps that show only the distance laid upon the land by God, and not
by men.
Today, the Palestine hotel is a "secure" facility, and our
team in Baghdad are still prevented from approaching the media - this
time by American soldiers, and their fears.
I think of the violence of September 11th, the loss of life, and the
loss of our liberties imposed by a security-obsessed government,
wielding the massive power of panic and paranoia. I think of the fear
Arab-and Muslim-Americans today feel, that they will be
summarily persecuted, arrested, expelled, or even killed. I think of the
fear "White" America feels, wrapping their homes in ridiculous
plastic sheeting against the possibility of terrorist attacks, wrapping
their hearts against the misery their fears have wrecked upon
Afghanistan, upon Iraq.
Where now, America?
When will realize that we are not the only real people on this planet,
and that our security cannot depend on the insecurity of everyone else?
It is unsafe for our team still in Baghdad to visit our Iraqi friends,
the families we've come to love. Where Iraqi government paranoia
confined us during the last days of the war, street violence confines
the team today. A short walk is now a death-defying expedition. People
have been shot short yards from our team's hotel. Violence has strained
the ties we've worked so hard to maintain. Beyond its physical misery,
the loss of those you love, the destruction of community is violence's
most devastating consequence.
I think of streets incredibly full of cars, during "shock and
awe's" day and night bombings: marketplaces still open, soccer
games still being played. It's frightening how quickly incredible levels
of violence become normalized within our lives. But it's also
quite beautiful - the heartfelt attempt to continue community in the
middle of war.
Iraq is not a war-zone. Baghdad is not a war-zone.
Baghdad is a city of shops and restaurants, homes, hospitals, museums,
schools, parks and playgrounds - Iraq is a place of human devotions. War
is a thing that was brought to Iraq, imposed by amoral and irresponsible
governments, in our names. In our names.
Iraqis are not our enemies. Iraqis are our allies against the
destruction of our common lives, the devastation of our common world.
They are our common allies against the violence resident in every human
heart.
This has not been a short war. It has been storming since Aug. 6th,
1990, the day we first imposed sanctions on the Iraqi people. Hundreds
of thousands are already dead. Millions are already devastated.
This will not be a short war. The Six-Day War in 1967 became a 36-year
war. It brought Israel military supremacy over the West Bank and Gaza,
and ruined both
nations, both peoples. It rages on today.
Saddam Hussein devastated Iraq. But Saddam is gone now. America
devastated Iraq as well - and now we remain.
The peace movement must not constrain itself to what happens in Iraq. We
must advocate for the absolute right of Iraqis to create and inculcate
their own destiny, as they define it for themselves, without
interference, intimidation, or control. But we must do
more than talk. We must take Iraq with us, as an example, as a call. We
must work as hard as the war makers do.
If there is any hope at all, then we ourselves must overcome the
institutions within our own society which further violence. We must
overcome our own militarism, and the materialism that drives it. We must
stop paying taxes, we must risk arrest, we must shut down a government
in Washington D.C. that is illegitimate and absolutely out-of-control.
And we must overcome our anger at the mass killers of the world, the
Saddam Husseins and George Bushes, even as we overcome their tyrannies.
That anger is playing itself out today in the streets of Iraq - further
wrecking lives already crushed by violence.
Please God, we must learn how to heal ourselves of all our delusions.
Where now, America? As the jubilations over the downfall of one tyrant
are replaced by bitterness toward another, as thousands of modern-day
carpetbaggers - good- and ill-willed foreigners alike - descend on Iraq
to impose their versions of reality,
as the corporatization of Iraq maintains the impoverishment of
sanctions, as U.S. occupation increasingly becomes governed by fear and
resentment-- where now? Where now? Where now?
Gunther Grass (The
Tin Drum): The U.S. Betrays Its Core Values
A war long sought and planned for is now underway. All
deliberations and warnings of the United Nations notwithstanding, an
overpowering military apparatus has attacked preemptively in violation
of international law. No objections were heeded. The Security Council
was disdained and scorned as irrelevant. As the bombs fall and the
battle for Baghdad continues, the law of might prevails.
And based on this injustice, the mighty have the power to buy and reward
those who might be willing and to disdain and even punish the unwilling.
The words of the current American president -- "Those not with us
are against us" -- weighs on current events with the resonance of
barbaric times. It is hardly surprising that the rhetoric of the
aggressor increasingly resembles that of his enemy. Religious
fundamentalism leads both sides to abuse what belongs to all religions,
taking the notion of "God" hostage in accordance with their
own fanatical understanding. Even the passionate warnings of the pope,
who knows from experience how lasting and devastating the disasters
wrought by the mentality and actions of Christian crusaders have been,
were unsuccessful.
Disturbed and powerless, but also filled with anger, we are witnessing
the moral decline of the world's only superpower, burdened by the
knowledge that only one consequence of this organized madness is
certain: Motivation for more terrorism is being provided, for more
violence and counter-violence. Is this really the United States of
America, the country we fondly remember for any number of reasons? The
generous benefactor of the Marshall Plan? The forbearing instructor in
the lessons of democracy? The candid self-critic? The country that once
made use of the teachings of the European Enlightenment to throw off its
colonial masters and to provide itself with an exemplary constitution?
Is this the country that made freedom of speech an incontrovertible
human right? <full
article>
Psychologists for Social Responsibility---Iraq War
Statement 4/11/03
In August 2002,
Psychologists for Social Responsibility (PsySR) expressed deep concern
about President Bush's plan to use military force to disarm Iraq and
remove Saddam Hussein from power. PsySR and its members worked
hard with the broad coalition in the peace movement to prevent the US
invasion from happening. We were saddened and worried when the
US-led coalition began waging war in Iraq on March
17th. We recognize the prowess and commitment of the young men and
women serving in the armed forces of the United States and are most
concerned for both their physical
and psychological safety as they carry out the orders they are pledged
to follow.
Now that the Bush administration has implemented this
so-called preemptive strike on Iraq, PsySR has reviewed the situation
and still considers the war unjust and provocative. While military
action appears to have liberated the Iraqis from Saddam's rule, it was
done at a tremendous cost without exploring nonviolent strategies for
accomplishing the same ends with less damaging means. It is falsely
assumed that this was the only way. While military action in Iraq may be
successful in the short run, it has the potential to reduce the security
of the United States, erode our basic freedoms and
civil rights, and ultimately hasten the decline of US influence for good
in the world.
Looking to the future, PsySR supports these concrete
steps with regard to post-war Iraq:
· Full UN control of the post-war rebuilding process in
Iraq should be pursued to thwart claims that the US has imperialist
intentions in the Middle East. This may also begin to reverse the
images of the US as a country that is unable to cooperate
with other countries, threatens force when it doesn't get its way, and
breaks its word in international agreements. While no one who has
been part of Saddam Hussein's regime should have anything to do with
reconstruction, the humanitarian aid provided
should be organized and led by Iraqis, with the support of UN
peacekeepers.
· Future conflict areas should be approached with sincere
and creative diplomacy, and techniques of tension reduction and conflict
transformation. The threatened use of preemptive and unilateral
military force sends an undemocratic image of the US
to the rest of the world and fuels the efforts of those that seek to do
us harm. US leaders should meet tirelessly with allies and with
other countries in person and on multiple occasions before US troops are
put in harm's way again. The fine arts of persuasion, problem
solving, and negotiation and finding ways to address the
real interests of the United States and all the stakeholders in future
conflicts should be employed so that democratic values are implemented
as an integral part of US policy and action.
· The Bill of Rights must be restored and protected, or
else the US is in danger of becoming that which it is fighting against.
The disconcerting trend to take away our civil liberties must be
reversed. Immigrant groups and international visitors should be
treated fairly and respectfully.
· Members of Congress should never again shirk from their
constitutional duties in the declaration of war. The
responsibility of declaring war rests with the US Congress and members
should be held accountable for their actions. If troops are to be
sent into combat, that decision needs to be legally made and not passed
off to the executive branch.
· Serious attention needs to be paid to reducing the
conditions in other countries that spawn terrorist thinking and
commitment to terrorist acts. We need to invest in humanitarian
aid, increase efforts toward resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, and
stop supporting governments that violate the rights of their
citizens.
We encourage all citizens to work to ensure that the
United States consistently employs democratic and legal means to address
its security needs.
________________________________________________________
United for Peace---The Day After the Statues Fell
It is not surprising, and like everyone
else we anticipated that some Iraqis would welcome U.S. troops and cheer
their arrival. Many have already tempered their welcome with urging the
U.S. not to stay in Iraq for long. Most Iraqis are almost certainly
relieved and thrilled at the imminent end of a terribly repressive
regime and an end to crippling sanctions. But if yesterday was the party
-- today the hangover begins. There are already reports of Iraqis saying
the Ba'athist regime was bad, but that the current lack of authority and
its resulting looting and chaos are worse -- "at least before we
had security," one said.
The fact that many Iraqis are pleased with the destruction of the
regime does not mean the U.S. war was legal, justified or appropriate.
All of the violations of the UN Charter inherent in this war are still
violations. All of the human costs paid by Iraqi civilians and unwilling
conscripts alike -- death, grievous injury, loss of family members,
destruction of property -- are still being paid. We don't have any idea
yet -- and may never -- of the human toll from this war. <full
article>
See C-SAW's collection
of news, commentary, and other information.
Joseph
Cirincione, Director, Non-Proliferation Project at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace: Speech at American University (March
22, 2003 Veterans
Against The Iraq War-sponsored "Teach-In & Speak Out
Against Iraq War,"):
I
love America.
Italy
is a beautiful country, but I'm glad my grandparents came here 100 years
ago. I truly believe America is one of the best countries the world has
every known. That is why it is so tragic what the policies of this
administration have done to the image and reputation of United States of
America.
Seventeen
months ago, there were demonstrations around the world in support of the
United States in the wake of September 11. Thousands of people gathered
in hundreds of cities to express their support for the US. There were
one million people in the streets of Tehran -– in favor of the US. It
is appalling how quickly this administration has squandered this support
and sympathy for the United States. <full
text> <video
link>
The Reason Why by George McGovern
Theirs not to reason why,
Theirs but to do and die.
--Alfred, Lord
Tennyson
"The Charge of the Light
Brigade"
(in the Crimean War)
Thanks to the most crudely partisan decision in the history of the
Supreme Court, the nation has been given a President of painfully
limited wisdom and compassion and lacking any sense of the nation's true
greatness. Appearing to enjoy his role as Commander in Chief of the
armed forces above all other functions of his office, and unchecked by a
seemingly timid Congress, a compliant Supreme Court, a largely
subservient press and a corrupt corporate plutocracy, George W. Bush has
set the nation on a course for one-man rule.
He treads carelessly on the Bill of Rights, the United Nations and
international law while creating a costly but largely useless new
federal bureaucracy loosely called "Homeland Security."
Meanwhile, such fundamental building blocks of national security as full
employment and a strong labor movement are of no concern.
The nearly $1.5 trillion tax giveaway, largely for the further
enrichment of those already rich, will have to be made up by cutting
government services and shifting a larger share of the tax burden to
workers and the elderly. This President and his advisers know well how
to get us involved in imperial crusades abroad while pillaging the
ordinary American at home. The same families who are exploited by a rich
man's government find their sons and daughters being called to war, as
they were in Vietnam--but not the sons of the rich and well connected.
(Let me note that the son of South Dakota Senator Tim Johnson is now on
duty in the Persian Gulf. He did not use his obvious political
connections to avoid military service, nor did his father seek
exemptions for his son. That goes well with me, with my fellow South
Dakotans and with every fair-minded American.)
The invasion of Iraq and other costly wars now being planned in
secret are fattening the ever-growing military-industrial complex of
which President Eisenhower warned in his great farewell address. War
profits are booming, as is the case in all wars. While young Americans
die, profits go up. But our economy is not booming, and our stock market
is not booming. Our wages and incomes are not booming. While waging a
war against Iraq, the Bush Administration is waging another war against
the well-being of America.
<full
article>
Metaphors can kill
by George Lakoff, March 18, 2003
That's how I began
a piece on the first Gulf War back in 1990, just before the war began.
Many of those metaphorical ideas are back, but within a very different and
more dangerous context. Since Gulf War II is due to start any day, perhaps
even tomorrow, it might be useful to take a look before the action begins
at the metaphorical ideas being used to justify Gulf War II.
One of the most
central metaphors in our foreign policy is that A Nation Is A Person. It
is used hundreds of times a day, every time the nation of Iraq is
conceptualized in terms of a single person, Saddam Hussein. The war, we
are told, is not being waged against the Iraqi people, but only against
this one person. Ordinary American citizens are using this metaphor when
they say things like, "Saddam is a tyrant. He must be stopped."
What the metaphor hides, of course, is that the 3000 bombs to be dropped
in the first two days will not be dropped on that one person. They will
kill many thousands of the people hidden by the metaphor, people
that according to the metaphor we are not going to war
against.
(complete
article)
Support Our Troops
by Michael Albert; March 17, 2003
If
war comes even despite the historic, tenacious, and comprehensive
opposition now raging across the planet, the
U.S.
government will proclaim
triumphantly that everyone who isn’t a traitor needs to rally around
Washington
to “support our troops.”
Opponents of the war could opt for many possible replies.
We
could point out that our troops in
Iraq
are barely in danger at all
because they are assaulting a tenth-rate opponent that has no serious
means to defend
Iraq
much less to attack the
world’s sole superpower.
We
could point out that while perhaps a few hundred
U.S.
troops will die in this war,
way over 50,000
U.S.
citizens will die in the next
12 months due to workplace accidents and death by industry-caused
diseases and automobile accidents (not to mention the impact of
pollution and unsafe products). We could then query why this massive
yearly blight on our population, roughly 15 times as devastating as
9/11, doesn’t provoke a war on corporations’ profit-seeking
violations of their employees’ and consumers’ health and safety.
Or
we could point out that the lives of American troops are no more worthy
of compassionate support than the lives of Iraqis, and that we didn’t
kill Hussein a million times over with our decade-long sanctions but we
instead killed a million Iraqis once each -- with Hussein getting
stronger as each new corpse was added to the carnage.
And
of course we could explain how unleashing a campaign to “shock and
awe” a country is unjust and immoral, how it is an archetype example
of the terrorism we say we are against.
But
for myself, I think that perhaps a different approach might work better,
and so if war does come, I intend to reply to the demand to support our
troops by saying that yes, I too “support our troops.”
I
will reply that I support our troops not having to kill people in
Iraq
. <full
text>
Myths
And Facts About The War by
Rahul Mahajan and Robert Jensen; March 20, 2003
Last night, our president announced a
war to the nation and the world. Let us be clear about what this war is
and what it is not:
This war is not the result of a failure
of diplomacy.
This war is not a pre-emptive war.
This war is not about weapons of mass
destruction.
This war is not about terrorism.
This war is not about the liberation of
the Iraqi people.
<full
article>
Arrogance of Power
'Today, I Weep For My Country... ' Senator Byrd's Speech, March
19, 2003
I believe in this beautiful country. I have
studied its roots and gloried in the wisdom of its magnificent
Constitution. I have marveled at the wisdom of its founders and framers.
Generation after generation of Americans has understood the lofty ideals
that underlie our great Republic. I have been inspired by the story of
their sacrifice and their strength.
But, today I weep for my country. I have watched the events of recent
months with a heavy, heavy heart. No more is the image of America one of
strong, yet benevolent peacekeeper. The image of America has changed.
Around the globe, our friends mistrust us, our word is disputed, our
intentions are questioned.
Instead of reasoning with those with whom we disagree, we demand
obedience or threaten recrimination. Instead of isolating Saddam Hussein,
we seem to have isolated ourselves. We proclaim a new doctrine of
preemption which is understood by few and feared by many. We say that the
United States has the right to turn its firepower on any corner of the
globe which might be suspect in the war on terrorism. We assert that right
without the sanction of any international body. As a result, the world has
become a much more dangerous place.
We flaunt our superpower status with arrogance. We treat U.N. Security
Council members like ingrates who offend our princely dignity by lifting
their heads from the carpet. Valuable alliances are split.
After war has ended, the United States will have to rebuild much more
than the country of Iraq. We will have to rebuild America's image around
the globe.
The case this
administration tries to make to justify its fixation with war is tainted
by charges of falsified documents and circumstantial evidence. We cannot
convince the world of the necessity of this war for one simple reason.
This is a war of choice.
(complete
text)
Statement
of the Louisville Legal Community for Peace in Iraq
As members of the legal community in Louisville, we condemn President
George Bush’s... preemptive strike and war against Iraq. Our group
contains attorneys and law students from the Louisville area. While there
are differing views among our members as to whether this ...war could ever
be justified, we are all convinced that this war is neither legally nor
morally justified at this time.
We
have two major legal objections to the...invasion of Iraq. First, a
war against Iraq would be inappropriately based upon an interpretation by
the Bush administration that the Congressional resolution of September,
2002 authorized the use of military force. This resolution does not
declare war on Iraq, but grants to the President the right to make the
decision whether to commit U.S. troops to combat against Iraq. Article
1, Section 8 of the United States Constitution grants to Congress
the exclusive power to declare war. As chief commanding officer of
the armed forces, the President has vast powers as the executive in making
decisions about how force is employed. But he is limited by the
requirement that Congress declare that the United States is at war. The
Constitution prohibits the abdication of this role to the President.
The second major argument against an invasion at this point is grounded in
international law, which has been incorporated into the law of the United
States. The U.N. Charter, which was signed by the U.S. Senate and
President in 1945, is part of “the supreme law of the land” according
to Article 6 of the U.S. Constitution, along with acts of Congress and the
provisions of the Constitution. Article 2(4) of the U.N. Charter
states that nations “shall refrain in their international relations from
the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political
independence of any state….” Under the U.N. Charter, there are
only two exceptions to the use of force: when used in self-defense or when
authorized by the U.N. Security Council. Neither of these exceptions
applies in the current situation.
Article 51 of the U.N. Charter says that a nation can employ force in
self-defense only “if an armed attack occurs,” or, arguably, in
response to an imminent attack. None of the reasons given by the
Bush administration, including the desire to eliminate weapons of mass
destruction, to end global terrorism, or to overthrow Saddam Hussein,
constitutes self-defense under the U.N. Charter. Our President has
presented no evidence that Iraq currently presents an imminent threat of
attack against the United States. There has been absolutely no
evidence presented to the public that proves that Iraq has the ability or
even the intention to attack the U.S. The Bush administration is
making the unprecedented attempt to stretch the self-defense exception to
allow for preemptive strikes against a country for acts of terrorism
undertaken by individuals who are not even affiliated with that country.
President Bush has made it clear that he intends to willfully disregard
the U.N. Charter by introducing the radically new doctrine of pre-emptive
strikes. Under this principle, a nation that perceives a threat from
another nation is free to attack first. This is an outright public
renunciation of the Charter. The U.N. Charter was designed to make
the world safer. Advocating preemptive strikes only makes the world
more dangerous for all. We find this policy not only illegal and
immoral, but also counterproductive; it will surely result in more
violence, whether from rogue nations, terrorists, or anyone else bent on
the use of violence to solve problems.
The only legal option under the U.N. Charter, aside from invoking
self-defense, is to obtain U.N. Security Council authorization for a war.
The U.S. claims that Iraq has materially breached Resolution
687—the cease-fire resolution that ended the 1991 Gulf War. The
President’s position is that this allows the U.S. to attack without
further authorization from the Security Council. A majority of the
members of the Council have consistently rejected this position. On
November 8, 2002, after almost eight weeks of negotiation and intense
pressure by the U.S., the U.N. adopted Resolution 1441, which set a new
timetable and a new round of inspections for Iraq. This Resolution
clearly did not authorize any country to use force against Iraq. The
United States must, as a matter of law, go back to the U.N. Security
Council for authority to use force. Any decision otherwise would be
in clear violation of the letter and spirit of the Resolution.
Resolution 1441 requires that any breach by Iraq be reported to the
Council for assessment, after which the Security Council must reconvene to
determine what further action is recommended. No member state may
use any Iraqi violation, whether material or otherwise, as legal
justification for an attack. The Bush Administration’s arguments
to the contrary are unjustified and unprecedented. If it believes that a
violation has occurred, it must obtain a new resolution authorizing action
before it attacks Iraq.
The...invasion
of Iraq will result in the deaths of innumerable civilians and soldiers.
It will undermine the international rule of law, threaten security
and peace for the U.S. and other nations, and undoubtedly result in
further terrorism directed against the U.S.
This committee condemns the Bush Administration’s disregard of
international law and international opinion. As such, we intend to
express our concerns and to facilitate representation for those who do the
same. We are concerned about the illegal and unprecedented exercise
of unchecked power by our government. But we are also concerned
about the moral implications of this proposed war. Military action against
Iraq will devastate an already impoverished civilian population. Years
of sanctions in Iraq have already caused hundreds of thousands of deaths
due to starvation, inadequate medical care, and lack of clean drinking
water. War will result not only in further deaths and injuries but
also in the forced relocation of untold numbers of displaced refugees.
Without credible evidence that we are ourselves at risk of attack by
Iraq, such consequences are indefensible. This war [should] not take
place.
Chris Harrell, co-chair
John D. Borders, Jr., co-chair
From Mother Jones 3/14/03: "It's Not about
Iraq."
Will they or won't they?
As of late Thursday, it was still unclear if the United States would
force a UN Security Council vote on its war-making resolution.
Administration officials were pre-emptively waging a recrimination-filled
campaign on two fronts, dismissing the UN as irrelevant, and rejecting
Iraq's latest signs of cooperation as subterfuge.
What has become increasingly clear, however, is that the struggle
within the Security Council is less about Iraq or the UN than it is about
the US and the Bush administration's agenda of domination. As William
Pfaff writes in The International Herald Tribune, that
agenda is now threatening the very heart of the post-war diplomatic system.
"The international system rests on the principle of absolute
sovereignty of states, which has nothing to do with the merits or
morality of governments. By trial and error, this has been found the
least bad of international diplomatic and legal systems. The United
Nations is the agent of this system for exercising international
authority.
The United States, in the Iraq crisis, is proposing to break the
system. This is what the current crisis is really about. The Bush
administration says that unless the Security Council gives the United
States what it wants, America will ignore the United Nations and from
now on do whatever it thinks right. In this, a different international
order is implicitly proposed. The United States making a claim to the
sovereign right to intervene in, disarm, and carry out 'regime change'
in other countries, subject to no external restraint."
That unchecked interventionism is exactly what France, Germany, Russia,
and so many other countries around the world find so disturbing. Despite
the charges of 'appeasement,' none of the war party's biggest critics are
excusing Saddam Hussein....(article
continues)
Jimmy Carter on "Just War — or a Just War?"
NYT, March 9, 2003
Profound changes have been taking place in American foreign policy,
reversing consistent bipartisan commitments that for more than two
centuries have earned our nation greatness. These commitments have been
predicated on basic religious principles, respect for international law,
and alliances that resulted in wise decisions and mutual restraint. Our
apparent determination to launch a war against Iraq, without international
support, is a violation of these premises.
(the
full article)
Bill
Moyers on Patriotism and the Flag, February 28, 2003:
I
put the flag in my lapel tonight. First time. Until now I haven't thought
it necessary to display a little metallic icon of patriotism for everyone
to see. It was enough to vote, pay my taxes, perform my civic duties,
speak my mind, and do my best to raise our kids to be good Americans.
Sometimes I would offer a small prayer of gratitude that I had been born
in a country whose institutions sustained me, whose armed forces protected
me, and whose ideals inspired me; I offered my heart's affections in
return. It no more occurred to me to flaunt the flag on my chest than it
did to pin my mother's picture on my lapel to prove her son's love. Mother
knew where I stood; so does my country. I even tuck a valentine in my tax
returns on April 15.
So
what's this flag doing here? Well, I put it on to take it back. The flag's
been hijacked and turned into a logo -- the trademark of a monopoly on
patriotism. (Full
text).
* * * * * *
Senator Byrd's Floor Speech, February 12, 2003:
To contemplate war is to think about the most horrible of human
experiences. On this February day, as this nation stands at the brink of
battle, every American on some level must be contemplating the horrors of
war.
Yet, this Chamber is, for the most part, silent -- ominously,
dreadfully silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt to lay
out for the nation the pros and cons of this particular war. There is
nothing.
We stand passively mute in the United States Senate, paralyzed by our
own uncertainty, seemingly stunned by the sheer turmoil of events. Only on
the editorial pages of our newspapers is there much substantive discussion
of the prudence or imprudence of engaging in this particular war.
And this is no small conflagration we contemplate. This is no simple
attempt to defang a villain. No. This coming battle, if it materializes,
represents a turning point in U.S. foreign policy and possibly a turning
point in the recent history of the world. (text
of the speech)
* * * * * *
PRESIDENT
BUSH HAS NOT MADE HIS CASE!!!
In Response to the State of the Union Address, Jan.
29, 2003
“Trusting
the restraint of Saddam Hussein is not an option.”
We
don’t rust the restraint of Saddam Hussein. We DO trust the U.N. and the
inspection team.
“Peace
must be defended.”
Peace
is not defended through the use of military force. This is the based on “then ends justify the means”
argument. Peace is not
achieved by using force and violence.
“War
is being thrust upon us.”
We
are acting as the aggressors using explanations to justify our proposed
aggression against another nation. War
is not being thrust upon us, we are thrusting war upon Iraq.
WHY NOW? – WHAT’S THE RUSH?
In
his state of the union speech last night, President Bush gave no real
evidence why we need escalate to using military force.
He also offered no real justification for the rush to escalation.
Why is there such a need now?
There appears to be no real evidence that Saddam Hussein and the
Iraqi people are any greater a threat to the U.S. now than they were 3
years or 10 years ago. President
Bush offered no evidence that Iraq poses an imminent threat to the U.S. or
the rest of the world.
ON THE INSPECTIONS
“The inspectors…are not on a scavenger
hunt. It is up to Iraq to
display the weapons they do have, to destroy them, and to offer evidence
that they’ve been destroyed.”
While Saddam Hussein certainly has an
obligation to provide information about the Iraqi development of weapons
of mass destruction under U.N. resolutions, the role of the inspectors is,
in fact, part scavenger hunt – to ensure that Hussein is complying, and
to enforce the U.N. resolutions.
Given the support and time that they need,
coupled with the U.N and international resolve to ensure that Iraq’s
weaponry is found and destroyed, suggests that we allow the inspections to
continue – perhaps escalating them – rather than using military
action. No
matter what the inspectors find or don't find, inspections are still the
best and least damaging way of containing Saddam Hussein. We don't
have inspectors in North Korea and those countries hardly have comparable
arsenals.
If President Bush is
serious about disarming Iraq, then that is all the more reason to use the
Inspectors rather than military force.
And the fact that we assume that Saddam Hussein has biological and
chemical weapons that are hidden (mostly likely civilian locations) is
perhaps the strongest argument yet why not to use military action (such as
the “saturation bombing” which is apparently being considered).
If the Bush
Administration has real evidence of Saddam Hussein’s development of
weapons of mass destruction, why has he been so hesitant to share that
with the U.S. public and more importantly, with our allies and with the
U.N.? Why is in only now that
he is willing to allown Colin Powell to report what we have uncovered to
the U.N.?
ON
THE LINK TO AL QAEDA
President Bush made
allegations that Saddam Hussein hides and protects terrorists, including
terrorists linked to Al Qaeda. But
these are simply allegations at this point.
As a nation, have pride ourselves on believing in a justice system
that does not try and convict people based on allegations alone.
If there is link between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda, let us (or at
least our allies and the United Nations) see that evidence.
THE U.S. PUBLIC DOES NOT BELIEVE THE BUSH
ADMINISTRATION HAS MADE THE CASE FOR WAR
63% of the U.S. public according to a recent Pew poll
(as published by the Associated Press, Jan 17, 2003) does not believe that
the U.S. is justified in going to war even if Iraq fails to prove that
they do not have weapons of Mass Destruction.
More than half (according to the same poll) say that
President Bush has not yet “explained clearly” the justifications to
use military force to oust Saddam Hussein.
Going to war is a serious matter with serious
consequences. War requires
approval of the U.S. public and the Congress.
Because war is such a serious matter, it is not something that
should be initiated based on 1 or 2 percentage points.
Only overwhelming support should be the basis for War.
OUR ALLIES DON’T THINK THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION HAS MADE THE CASE FOR
WAR
“The will of the international community must
be obeyed” stated
Secretary of State Colin Powell (Jan. 27, 2003 upon the release of the UN
Weapons Inspectors Report). We
agree – at it seems patently clear that at best the international
community is ambivalent about the use of increased military force against
Iraq, and at worst, is opposed. The
United States, particularly as the most powerful nation in the world, has
a greater obligation to hold itself to the standards that it places on the
rest of the world. If we
maintain that Saddam Hussein must “obey the will of the international
community,” than so must we.
France and Germany, as represented by French
President Jacques Chirac and German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, have
stated that the U.S. has failed to justify military action against Iraq at
this point. Given the terrors
both nations were subject to during World War II, we think that there call
should be listed to particularly closely.
Russia, China and Canada have also spoken out
against the use of Military force at this time.
IRAQ’S NEIGHBORS DON’T THINK THE BUSH
ADMINISTRATION HAS MADE THE CASE FOR WAR
Although living most closely to
Saddam Hussein and therefore presumably much more at risk by Saddam
Hussein than the U.S., the countries closest to Iraq do not seem as
concerned, or anxious about disarming Iraq as the U.S. does.
Turkey, who is perhaps the
U.S.’s closest ally, has indicated their strong hesitancy to support the
escalation of U.S. military action against Iraq.
In part, they are the northern border to Iraq and as such, are more
likely to face a direct military response if Iraq fights back against the
U.S. and our allies. But in addition, they know the costs of war in the
region.
In addition, Saudi Arabia,
Iran and even Kuwait have indicated that they are at best ambivalent, and
in some cases outright opposed to U.S. military action. We should listen to those who are closest to the area that we
are considering bombing who may have the most at stake.
USING MILITARY ACTION TO OUST A NATION’S
LEADER SETS A DANGEROUS PRECEDENT
What’s the standard to deciding that one
nation acting on it’s own or under the auspices of the United Nations,
can use military force to oust another nation’s leader?
There is ample evidence that Saddam Hussein in
an evil leader and acts in grossly oppressive ways against his own people.
But there are plenty of others who are evil to their own people,
oppressive to minority groups (eg: China
in Tibet, Russia in Chechnya) or who have weapons of mass destruction in
violation of international law (EG: north
Korea). One could argue, in fact, that the US itself violates these
principles. The point is what
is the standard that we are setting to allow one nation to engage in
military action to cause the down fall of that nation’s leader? There should be one standard – and one standard that is
applied to all, by all, of the nations of the
world. The U.S. is not the
world’s police officer, not the world’s prosecuting attorney, defense
attorney, judge, and appellate court.
WITHOUT UN APPROVAL, THIS WAR IS ILLEGAL
According to the UN charter, a nation has the
right to react militarily only to protect itself.
Although President Bush has claimed that Saddam Hussein and Iraq
pose a threat to the United States, there is no evidence to support this
claim. There is, in
actuality, ample evidence that Iraq does not and cannot pose a threat to
the U.S. The United States has been systematically bombing Iraq for
over 10 years – an average of 5 – 10 bombings a week. These bombing have largely targeted Iraqi missile systems.
It stretches the imagination to claim that Saddam Hussein has the
capabilities in term of missiles or launching equipment to reach the U.S.
A WAR WILL COST CIVILIAN LIVES
Estimates are that the US led attacks in
Afghanistan killed more than 3,767 civilians[i]
between Oct. 7 and Dec. 10, 2001. All
evidence suggests that a war against Iraq will be “urban warfare” much
of which will occur at night. The
risk to civilian life of such warfare is extremely high with estimates as
high as 50,000 Iraqi civilians killed[ii].
This is far more lives than were taken by the attacks on 9/11/2001.
Are we becoming what we hate?
Last night, President Bush use the liberation
of the Iraqi people as part of the justification for using military force
to oust Saddam Hussein. We
are left to ask, how many innocent Iraqi civilians will it cost to
liberate them?
WHERE WILL THE MONEY COME FROM – AND WHERE WILL IT GO?
The U.S. economy continues to be in a
recession. In the current
Administration budget, the only budget items to see a real increase in
dollars is the Defense Budget and the Office of Homeland Security.
All other areas are seen a real-dollar decrease in spending:
health care, education, social security, welfare, etc.
In fact, there are effort to take money away from battered women,
rape crisis services and abused children in order to pay for this war and
the increased U.S. militarization. This
is a misguided and inappropriate use of our resources and will not work to
build our economy.
Estimates are that a war against Iraq would
cost the U.S. economy $ One hundred billion dollars.
This is money taken away from a struggling U.S. economy and one
that will cost the Kentucky economy an estimated $782 million.[iii]
This is money taken away from services for the poor, for the
elderly, education and health care.
In order to win over support from some of our
allies – especially in and around the Gulf region, the US will have to
pay hundreds of billions of dollars.
The agreement with Turkey to buy support of the Turkish Government
( in spite of the Turkish people’s opposition to allowing the U.S. to
use Turkey as a base than the government is) at a time when the Turkish
economy is in a deep recession, amounts to bribery.
The reported agreement with Turkey alone will also cost the U.S.
tens of Billions of dollars.
The amount of money that Bush proposes to spend
on the attack on Iraq alone (never mind the rest of the military budget)
dwarfs his entire domestic spending plan.
This seems a misguided use of resources and we believe that the
priorities should be reversed.
[i] Source:
The Guardian. Dec. 20, 2001, quoting the research of
Marc Herold, University of New Hampshire.
[ii] Source:
O’Hanlon (2002) “Creating Casualties:
How Many People will die in an Iraqi war?” The Brookings
Institute. www.brook.edu/views.
Sept., 25, 2002.
[iii] Source: National
Priorities Project
* * * * *
Kentucky's own Wendell Berry: Statement about US
Foreign Policy (NYT full-page ad 2/9/03):
A
CITIZEN'S RESPONSE TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA
HE
NEW NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY
published by the White House in September 2002, if carried out, would
amount to a radical revision of the political character of our nation. Its
central and most significant statement is this:
While
the United States will constantly strive to enlist the support of the
international community, we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary,
to exercise our right of self defense by acting preemptively against such
terrorists... (p. 6)
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